Κείμενο - κόλαφος κατά της κυβέρνησης Μητσοτάκη .
«Αναγνωρισμένος ως φιλελεύθερος, ο πρωθυπουργός της Ελλάδας χρησιμοποιεί το "βιβλίο" του λαϊκισμού».«Φαντάζει όλο και πιο πιθανό ο Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης να μετατραπεί σε... έναν Ορμπάν»
Άρθρο - παρέμβαση του Γιάννη Μπαμπούλια στο littleatoms.com.
Ο Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης μπαίνει στο «στόχαστρο» του αρθρογράφου,
ο οποίος στο μακροσκελές αφιέρωμά του στα πεπραγμένα της τρέχουσας
κυβέρνησης, με τίτλο «Αναγνωρισμένος ως φιλελεύθερος, ο πρωθυπουργός της
Ελλάδας χρησιμοποιεί το "βιβλίο" του λαϊκισμού».«Φαντάζει όλο και πιο πιθανό ο Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης να μετατραπεί σε... έναν Ορμπάν», σημειώνει στην εισαγωγή του ο Γιάννης Μπαμπούλιας, αναδεικνύοντας με λεπτομέρειες τα κακώς κείμενα της κυβέρνησης ΝΔ.
Ανάμεσα στα παραδείγματα για τα οποία ο Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης επικρίθηκε για αδύναμη και ανεπαρκή διαχείριση, σημειώνεται και εκείνο της καμπάνιας «Μένουμε Σπίτι» για τα ΜΜΕ, όσον αφορά τον τρόπο με τον οποίον μοιράστηκαν τα ποσά προς τα Μέσα, αλλά και την περίπτωση του Documento.
Φάνηκε πως από τα 20 εκατομμύρια ευρώ, μόνο το 1% κατέληξε σε Μέσα που ασκούν κριτική στην κυβέρνηση, παρά το γεγονός πως σε αρκετές περιπτώσεις ήταν πιο δημοφιλή από ορισμένα που έλαβαν μεγάλη κυβερνητική βοήθεια. Σε μία χαρακτηριστική περίπτωση, η εφημερίδα Documento (ο εκδότης της οποίας, Κώστας Βαξεβάνης, έλαβε το βραβείο Δημοσιογραφίας Index το 2013), δεν έλαβε καθόλου χρήματα».
Στη συνέχεια, ο Γιάννης Μπαμπούλιας τονίζει πως: «Ο κυβερνητικός έλεγχος των ΜΜΕ καθιστά αδύνατη την ενημέρωση των πολιτών σχετικά με τα κυβερνητικά σκάνδαλα, όπως ένα αποτυχημένο πρόγραμμα voucher εν μέσω πανδημίας...».
ΟΛΟΚΛΗΡΟ ΤΟ ΑΡΘΡΟ
ΕΤΣΙΕΜΦΑΝΙΣΗ ΣΧΟΛΙΩΝ
Hailed as a liberal, Greece’s prime minister now works from the populist playbook
Kyriakos Mitsotakis looks increasingly likely to become another Orban
04/08/2020
When Kyriakos
Mitsotakis was elected as the new leader of Greece’s New Democracy in
early 2015, he was widely hailed as a “Harvard-educated liberal” by the
domestic and international press, a departure from the populist leftwing
Syriza and their hard-right ANEL coalition partners who governed the
country.
Mitsotakis, scion of a powerful and controversial
political dynasty, promised to modernise the sclerotic Greek
bureaucracy, attract foreign investment and put an end to Syriza’s
populism, which he claimed risked “turning Greece into Venezuela” .
A number of Greek academics and journalists promoted his
message in the world stage, painting a picture of an Syriza
administration that sought to subvert the justice system, appoint
cronies everywhere in the machinery of the state, and mollycoddle
radicals — even terrorists — who they saw as their natural allies.
Versions of this narrative appeared in the Financial Times, the Washington Post, Politico Europe and elsewhere.
The Greek press happily reflected these narratives. For the
first time in its long history, the famously factional and adversarial
corps were united in their disdain for the then government, and their
support for New Democracy. And so in July 2019, Mitsotakis’ party swept
to victory.
When the Covid-19 pandemic hit last March, the new prime
minister’s handling of the response won him international plaudits,
seemingly confirming his aptitude and potential. Recently, however, a
series of incidents have started to cast doubt on the administration’s
sensible centrist credentials, and revealed Mitsotakis and his party may
be following the populist path of the governments Hungary, Poland and
even the United States.
In early March, right before the pandemic took over the
international headlines, Turkish President Recip Tayip Erdoğan, in an
effort to goad Europe into supporting his operations in Syria, attempted
to create tension in the Greek-Turkish borders in Evros by sending
thousands of refugees now residing in Turkey to cross them. The Greek
state responded by mobilising its army as well as police units to stop
the incursion. Vigilante groups were also active in the area. Violence
ensued.
In one of the worst incidents recorded, a Pakistani refugee, Muhammad Gulzar, was shot dead. Investigations carried out by Sky News, Der Spiegel, Forensic Architecture and Bellingcat
Nick Waters, one of Bellingcat’s analysts and a former
British Army officer, told Little Atoms: “[I was] particularly surprised
by the ‘this is completely fake news’ narrative, as I believe the open
source and audio forensic analysis demonstrates beyond reasonable doubt
that live rounds were fired on the border on 4 March. I would have
thought this would be a compelling reason to investigate what happened:
even in the unlikely event that it was some kind of undercover operation
by the Turkish security services, that should still warrant an
investigation on the part of the Greek government. If my neighbouring
country was conducting clandestine shooting incidents on my border I'd
want to know about it, especially if my troops were 50 metres away when
it happened.”
But no such investigation was forthcoming. Instead, what
Greek officials did was to ignore all evidence and suggest gullible
reporters are aiding Erdogan’s narrative.
One of those officials was Apostolos Doxiadis, the New York Times Best-Selling author of Logicomix.
Doxiadis was one of the most prominent Greeks promoting Mitsotakis’
liberal credentials abroad. Appointed by the administration as co-head
of the unaccompanied underage asylum seekers initiative “No child left
alone”, he’s now taken to attacking critical reporters through the pages
of Proto Thema, Greece’s biggest tabloid and a long-time disseminator of anti-refugee and even pro-far-right narratives.
Another prominent and sycophantically pro-government Greek journalist, Yiannis Pretenteris, used his column
in Ta New (Greece’s biggest daily) to attack the New York Times’s
Matina Stevis-Gridneff, the investigative journalist Apostolis Fotiadis,
who covers refugee issues for the Guardian, and me (I wrote pieces for
the Independent the LRB at the time) suggesting that we had somehow
fooled these international outlets and they were wrong to publish us. So
far, so Orban.[............]
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